Saturday, August 16, 2008

What’s Good about it?

HHS Moves to Define Contraception as Abortion

In what it must consider an act of Wilberforcian moral leadership, the Bush administration seems to want to force an increase in the American birth rate and remove freedoms Americans currently enjoy in the name of freedom of choice for health care providers.


They propose to do this with the kind of superficial logic that manipulates thoughts the way someone first learning a foreign language manipulates words in a dictionary. Government officials transferred the reasoning they deciphered from public polling data into legal arguments as if the public has a consistent and logically held medical and ethical position on fertilization and abortion issues. They translated generic polling data into precise legal arguments.


You will have to read the logic for yourself as documented in this source; only the barest outline can be afforded in this post.


Here are key excerpts from this source:


There are two commonly held views on the question of when a pregnancy begins. Some consider a pregnancy to begin at conception (that is, the fertilization of the egg by the sperm), while others consider it to begin with implantation (when the embryo implants in the lining of the uterus).


Up until now, the federal government followed the definition of pregnancy accepted by the American Medical Association and … the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, which is: pregnancy begins at implantation.


So [now] HHS proposes that anyone can enforce his or her own definition of abortion “within the bounds of reason.”


The practical outcome of this logic led to the next step in the following headline:

Redefining abortion

Federal officials considering a rule allowing health care workers to refuse to provide contraceptives

Already “an existing regulation allows health care providers with objections to abortion to abstain from providing it to patients.”


By extending the definition of abortion to cover contraceptives, the new rule being promoted at HHS “would allow health care workers who object to abortion on moral or religious grounds to refuse to counsel women on their birth control options or supply contraceptives.”

Who’s “Good” does this new rule serve?

1. Obviously this rule is not for the good of unwanted babies who will be born, since many providers may opt out. Nor is it for the good of poor people who will be channeled into less than healthy options for dealing with the resulting consequences of unwanted pregnancies or alternative attempts to avoid them. Given the state of the economy, we can be fairly sure that there is no intent to ensure that other providers will be made available in every situation.


2. The rule that exempted health care providers with objections to abortion from providing it to patients was good because it allows them to avoid the direct act of what they perceive as killing. But indirect acts such as providing supplies cannot so simply and so arbitrarily be prescribed because this is a far more complicated issue. Do everyday store clerks have the right to refuse to sell condoms? One can at least imagine a host of legal controversies and more business for the legal profession as a result. One can even imagine a backlash against the original exemption.


3. According to the Houston Chronicle, this federal administrative rule would probably void a great many state laws. This rule is obviously not for the good of democracy, because it does not reflect a democratic decision-making process nor does it come close to reflecting decisions made by that process in the past.


4. Instead, this rule is widely viewed as payback to the Christian and religious right for its support of the Bush administration. Perhaps it is a cynical concession to the belief that the Democrats will win in November and immediately overturn it. But what if they don’t win? After all, John McCain has sided with the religious right on abortion. Real leaders do not play with fire like this. One has to wonder whether tainted hiring practices have also affected this area of the Bush administration.


Fanaticism takes what is good to an extreme. As we pointed out above, exempting conscientious objectors from providing abortions was good. But sneaking in exemptions for indirect contributions, however defined, without extensive debate and democratic decision-making is fanaticism.


Avoiding fanaticism involves a bit of relativistic thinking. A truly Christian approach to social change is not absolutist. Following the Apostle Paul’s example, one does not simply appeal to God’s revelation, but also recognizes the importance of social mores, because the objective of God’s law is love and peace. The goal of such social action is always to gain voluntary agreement.

What is Good about this Rule?

Absolutely nothing as far as I can see, for reasons already cited above.


Then why is it proposed?


The stated reason based on public opinion polls cited and refuted above is also invalid. A professional philosopher could provide a better explanation and the Bush administration would have done well to consult one. Even research specialists would be able to spot some of the errors in this approach since they would recognize the limitations of interpreting social surveys.


The underlying rationale for the rule is patent, however. The rule extends the likelihood of denial of abortions by giving high status to the definition of pregnancy as simply fertilization (apart from implantation) and by allowing providers such as pharmacists who contribute indirectly to opt out of providing.


In giving “equal” status to such a narrow ethical stance it allows that view to dominate the broader approach much like having a significant number of non-drinkers in a church tends to mean that alcohol may not be served on church property even though there are also a significant number of drinkers, who may actually be in the majority. The strong must accept the weak, but the weak do not have to accept the strong, because the weak think they are right. A teaching that was intended to express mutual concern becomes a tool for domination of others in express violation of Jesus’ commands to the contrary. Christians who deny Jesus’ paradigm as they contend for the “kingdom” in the civil arena are doing no better than those Jesus condemned for their practice of Corban.


Incidents like these help us begin to understand why Jesus predicted that both the sheep and the goats will be surprised about the verdicts on judgment day!


I’ve already expressed my view on the fertilization issue in a previous post. It boils down to the belief that human beings are called to be more than mere physical matter, including even the aspects of soul that the Bible always associates with the body (which is everything that fertilization represents). We must be “called” in some sense to become human. In a Christian theological sense, we are all are born spiritually dead. To have any spark of life and a chance of making it, individuals have to be wanted. My mother-in-law used to tell my children they used to be “a gleam in your father’s eye.” For communities to survive, older members need to reproduce and draw younger members into them. There are no stand-alone human beings.


Our responsibility is to draw individuals into human relationships and into relationship with God. It is not an isolatable responsibility to protect fertilized eggs. You can’t ethically fulfill the duty of protecting a fertilized egg without also fulfilling the duty to draw that being into the human family. A commitment of our country to a higher birth rate given our history and current economic conditions must be accompanied by a correspondingly huge investment in relevant social services supporting this commitment. It is the very fact that this rule is being introduced in such a backdoor manner that demonstrates that it does not reflect the high moral caliber that its backers would like to claim for it.


I do not believe that the “fertilized” ovum that do not implant are human beings that will some day be resurrected like everyone else. But that is what you as a Christian believe if you believe what the Bush administration is promoting to take precedent over other established laws.


Does that sound “good” to you?

 


Posted by Jim Johnson at 07:42:03 | Permalink | No Comments »

Friday, June 27, 2008

Turning the other cheek

Dobson picks a fight with Obama

 


After a long silence politically, James Dobson just recently decided it was worth fighting over how Barack Obama interpreted the Bible and the U.S. Constitution in his Call to Renewal speech back in 2006.

That prompted my son-in-law to write a response to
my analysis of Obama’s speech, and I am publishing a specially edited version of his response for this blog entry as follows –

It is unfortunate that James Dobson has started a quarrel with Barrack Obama over his accusation that Obama does not know how to interpret the Bible and has a “fruitcake” interpretation of the constitution.

There are two points that you make about Obama’s Call to Renewal speech of 2006 that I think are important for Christians to consider as Obama will now be the Democratic candidate for President.

1. Obama is sharing a personal testimony of how he has come to a saving faith in Jesus Christ and how he has processed (and I assume he continues to reflect on) his understanding of how to reconcile faith and politics.

2. The temptation is for us to usurp the authority of God rather than to speak humbly as fellow citizens and as believers in the New Testament, which says,

 

Don’t have anything to do with foolish and stupid arguments, because you know they produce quarrels. And the Lord’s servant must not quarrel; instead, he must be kind to everyone, able to teach, not resentful. Those who oppose him he must gently instruct, in the hope that God will grant them repentance leading them to a knowledge of the truth, and that they will come to their senses and escape from the trap of the devil, who has taken them captive to do his will. (2 Timothy 2:23-26)


Dobson’s accusations do not represent a reading or interpretation of the entire Bible. What exactly is a biblical world view? Is it absolute and concrete? It seems that a lot of interpretation has to go into determining a biblical worldview — and then comes the real tough part of applying the worldview.

Almost immediately, Obama responded to Dobson by acknowledging Dobson, disagreeing on the key point of contention, and then he moved on. Obama took the high ground and applied the dictum in Proverbs: “Do not answer a fool according to his folly, or you will be like him yourself.”

As a believer in the Gospel of Jesus Christ, I will be voting for Obama this November because he is a reflective fellow believer who wrestles with his faith and how he should apply the calling God has given him.

Obama’s life in the political arena might be one conservative Christians would do well to learn from. They may do more good for the cause of the kingdom than they are now with a single minded agenda focused only on rolling back Roe v. Wade.

– Andrew Hains, Bettendorf, Iowa

I have only two specific observations to add:

(1) Dobson has apparently driven up readership of Obama’s Call to Renewal speech. The link to it changed since my original blog post, and the new links shown above could not at first be reached, apparently because of the heavy traffic. I think as more people actually read the speech, more will be drawn to Obama’s point of view.


(2) If you listen to the
CNN video recording, you will notice indeed that Dobson does grossly distort Obama’s main point since Obama says quite the opposite: Dobson claims that Obama says that “unless everybody agrees, we have no right to fight for what we believe.” But what Obama actually said in the Call to Renewal speech was,


“Democracy demands that the religiously motivated translate their concerns into universal, rather than religion-specific, values. It requires that their proposals be subject to argument, and amenable to reason. I may be opposed to abortion for religious reasons, but if I seek to pass a law banning the practice, I cannot simply point to the teachings of my church or evoke God’s will. I have to explain why abortion violates some principle that is accessible to people of all faiths, including those with no faith at all.”


Obama is saying we should translate what we believe into language accessible to everyone and that we should fight for our beliefs. He is advocating a basic principle of communication, akin to learning another person’s language in order to communicate with them.




Posted by Jim Johnson at 02:54:20 | Permalink | No Comments »

Saturday, May 19, 2007

Apostle of the religious right

 

Jerry Falwell’s Odyssey  

 

Jerry Falwell was born and died in Lynchburg, Virginia.  Soon after graduating from Bible College, he founded Thomas Road Baptist Church in Lynchburg.  From that base he developed a complete educational system that extended through the university level, broadcast nationwide radio and television programs, published a journal and initiated a satellite-network, and during the 1980’s led the political action organization known as the Moral Majority, whose basic intention was to campaign on “issues its personnel believed were important to maintaining its Christian conception of moral law, a conception they believed represented the opinions of the majority of Americans.”  In 2004, he established The Moral Majority Coalition as a reincarnation of the former organization, which had disbanded in the late 1980’s.

Among conservative Christians and other conservatives, even those who did not agree completely with his positions, Jerry Falwell was generally appreciated for his moral activism.  Pastorblog.com has compiled these tributes into the following list.

However, Belief.net has a timeline of the headlines that highlight the legacy of Jerry Falwell for most Americans.  This list includes such things a resisting civil rights; supporting apartheid in South Africa; financing the video, The Clinton Chronicles; telling his supporters that the purple Teletubby, Tinky Winky, was gay; and claiming that on 9/11 God allowed “the enemies of America to give us probably what we deserve,” and blaming “the pagans, and the abortionists, and the feminists, and the gays and the lesbians” and others who want to “secularize” America for those attacks.

This last claim about the cause of 9/11, perhaps more that any other, indelibly tarnished the memory of Jerry Falwell for many people because of its association with such an infamous act.  At least the sentiments of the moral majority concept claimed that he thought the majority of Americans really wanted the values he was promoting, and therefore allowed others to give him the benefit of the doubt.  A leader tries to draw out the best in people, and the moral majority concept allowed for that possibility.  But as follow-up interviews to his original remarks showed, Falwell really believed that God had lifted “the veil of protection” from America and allowed the 9/11 attacks because of his anger at America.  His deepest perspective on America was that it is an evil place that deserves this kind of violent punishing attack, thereby clearly confirming that he holds what George Lakoff calls a “strict father” view of political leadership, which has led to the political entanglements of the religious right.

One has to wonder if there was a growing sense of pessimism or frustration for Jerry Falwell after all his hard work with so little to show for it, since the general public was not responding as expected if he really did have a moral majority on his side.  It is too soon to have a full historical perspective; but we can already note the following report by Ann Rodgers, referencing an interview with Duquesne University law professor Bruce Ledewitz, author of American Religious Democracy: Coming to Terms with the End of Secular Politics:

Mr. Falwell was both symbol and catalyst for a reversal in how American Christians viewed political activism, he said. In 1965 he criticized the Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr., not for opposing segregation, but for mixing faith with politics, Dr. Ledewitz said.

“He said that religion was private, that … a minister such as Dr. King should be winning souls,” Dr. Ledewitz said.  “Over the course of his lifetime, the situation would turn completely. Liberals today are the ones who say that religion should be private, and conservatives are the ones saying that the Word must be preached in terms of public life. Jerry Falwell embodied that change. In many ways this change is a consequence of his activities.”

Over the course of Jerry Falwell’s life, conservative Christians became much more politically active and he was a leader in this movement, which is now often referred to as the religious right.  I think the following excerpts from an editorial in the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette perfectly sum up this problematic movement:

For taking his labors beyond the vineyard of his church and into politics, he is mourned now by religious conservatives across the country for energizing the issues they care about, especially abortion and marriage for gays. Their tributes to his historical importance are accurate. He was … “a great general in the culture wars.”

That he and others turned the Republican Party into their designated party of God presents an affront to the faith of everyone else. In recent presidential elections, the mix of politics and religion has led to narrow moral issues derailing a proper accounting of issues that affect all Americans….

The invitation for Newt Gingrich to speak at the upcoming Liberty University graduation ceremonies epitomizes this alliance, although he claimed this is not an endorsement.  As anyone can see, however, something is being endorsed here.  So what is it?  The evasiveness is obvious.

Jerry Falwell believed that as a pastor he was called to serve his congregation and that, at best, he could only seek to influence government.  He said in a 1993 Wittenburg Door interview, “What I don’t believe in is a God-called pastor running for office. …Use your calling to influence government, not to control government.”  But his vision for influencing government went far beyond the boundaries of his congregational outreach, and extended into the entire life of the nation, and ultimately vested itself in the Republican Party as the best hope for the nation, for all practical purposes, although I’m sure that his supporters could point out exceptions that would only prove the rule.

Since nobody controls the government, all anyone can do is get involved in the process. And the most that anyone can hope to do is influence the outcome, to one degree or another.  What Falwell says about pastors could in some sense apply to multinational CEO’s as well; but you do not have to hold a government office to exercise more influence that some others who do hold office.  And once people get involved at the level of party politics, they then get involved in loyalty ties that often come into conflict with objective beliefs.  Not speaking out because of loyalty ties is what makes organizations work.  When an organization is functioning well, you can usually assume that either loyalty is suppressing the truth or that the participants are agreed on the truth that is the basis for that organization.  Politics, like business life and union life and church life, tends to put pressures on the individual to give priority to loyalty.  That is the nature of group life.  Leaders are in the best position to create an environment that works against that tendency and that promotes tolerance and diversity of viewpoints.

For me, the real test of Jerry Falwell’s leadership will be how his church and schools fare without him.  Has he created a self-sustaining ministry - a ministry based on the ongoing presence of the gifts of the Spirit?  Or is it a ministry primarily based on his presence?  An institution as large as the one he oversaw cannot function on the strength of one head; but how much it depended on external donations is another matter.  I noticed several times over the years that his charitable fund raisers said in effect that a portion of the funds donated would go to the project being described.  Presumably the rest went to the local and media accounts.  How these media ministries will be restructured without him at the helm is yet to be seen.  

Those who were closer to Jerry Falwell may have heard a different message; but those of us from afar have often heard him more negatively, as one whose message resulted in trivial and sometimes absurd statements rather than centering on what is really needed for national renewal: a message that has nothing directly to do with politics. That’s what the “Old Time Gospel” in the Old Time Gospel Hour is all about.

Posted by Jim Johnson at 04:06:11 | Permalink | No Comments »

Saturday, January 20, 2007

Will the Son of Man find faith on the earth?

  

Dobson preaches mixed message

Conservative leader criticizes, praises GOP leadership

by Ann Rodgers

Pittsburgh Post-Gazette

Thursday, September 21, 2006

 

THE SINNER’S GUIDE TO THE EVANGELICAL RIGHT brands James Dobson as the “Evangelical Pope,” and his prominence in the past national election certainly evokes that description as he marshaled the religious influence he attained through Focus on the Family ministries over the past thirty years to promote the Republican Party.  During those years conservative Christians created a subculture that offers products, services, and even institutions that parallel those in the larger, pluralistic society; and psychologist Dr. James Dobson became the evangelical analogue of Dr. Benjamin Spock.

A recent issue of Newsweek points out that among evangelicals Dr. Dobson has the most significant political influence in Washington because of the large following his organization has cultivated over the years, though White House officials in a most non-definitive manner refuse to acknowledge his influence. In this past election it seemed like he was attempting to lead the spiritual nation against the secular nation and was drawing the distinction between the two along political party lines.

In his September 2006 visit to Pittsburgh to support the Republican base Dr. Dobson said, “This country is at a crisis point. Whether or not the Republicans deserve the power they were given, the alternatives are downright frightening.”  No one in the crowd of 3,000 could be left with any doubt about his support for the Republican Party in this election, despite its failure to deliver promised moral reforms.

Since he speaks for a charitable organization with tax exempt status, his critics warn that his political campaigning might lead to breaking tax law, which does not allow nonprofit organizations to endorse political candidates.  He claims he does not endorse specific candidates but only advocates general principles, which is allowed under the tax code, and the same claim was made in Pittsburgh.  Before the rally, Dobson spokesman Tom Minnery explained:  “We won’t tell anybody how to vote. We’ll just lay out the issues.” 

Obviously there were a number of  House seats up for election in Pennsylvania, but since there was only one Senate seat in the contest, vied for by incumbent Rick Santorum (Republican) and challenger Bob Casey (Democrat), any statement endorsing only Republicans was a statement endorsing Rick Santorum.  For James Dobson to come from out of state and into Pennsylvania, and then endorse the Republican Party was in fact to endorse Rick Santorum. This action must logically be interpreted as the endorsement of that party’s only senatorial candidate. 

Most observers believe that this visit to Pittsburgh was intended to support Rick Santorum, and before the rally, the Pittsburgh Tribune-Review reports the following exchange with Dobson spokesman Tom Minnery:

We differ with Sen. Santorum on an issue or two, but, by and large, we appreciate what he has done,” Minnery said.  Minnery wouldn’t say how the organization feels about Casey, who, like Santorum, opposes abortion, same-sex marriage and embryonic stem cell research.

There was very little to be said about the hot button “moral principles” dividing Santorum and Casey, and there was not much in terms of “laying out the issues” that Dobson could do to distinguish between these two men in a way that would have allowed listeners to calculate who they should vote for on the basis of objective evidence.  The real choice as articulated by Dobson was between the two major parties, and Dobson was endorsing the Republican option, which means he was supporting Rick Santorum as senator from Pennsylvania.

Based on the above evidence, would it be unreasonable to conclude that James Dobson endorsed Senator Rick Santorum on his visit to Pittsburgh, which would be a violation of tax law?  If it came to court he better not ask for a jury trial because he probably would have a better chance with some legalistically minded judge than with people who are oriented to everyday reality!  Yet this is the same James Dobson who rails against the judiciary for radical decisions!  Yet he wants us to respect his judgment? 

Dr. Dobson’s approach in this most recent election stands in marked contrast to his stated approach in the 2000 election when he wrote,

I believe nine of the most relevant moral concerns confronting our nation are: abortion, physician-assisted suicide, homosexuality, family taxation, education, pornography, religious freedom, sex education and the Supreme Court (which has appointed itself moral arbiter of our nation)….

Let me reiterate, as I have said so many times before, that I have no stake in any political party. It matters not one whit to me whether candidates represent the Democratic, Republican, Reform, Libertarian or any other party. What does matter greatly to me - and I hope to you - is where those parties will stand on the critical moral issues of our day. I vote according to their position on those policies.

Now, according to his statements in Pittsburgh, he is committed to the Republicans as the best alternative, carte blanche, even though it is only a choice between bad alternatives.  He thinks he can get more of the change he wants to see from the Republicans than from the Democrats. The keystone moral issues are all that matters.  Let the dead bury the dead when it comes to all that messy economic and military business!  What does morality have to do with those worldly affairs, anyway?

 

Why this strange alliance between Dobson’s faith and the Republican Party? 

One way of answering this question is to simply see this collusion as a lust for power and influence, an “unholy alliance” of religious conservatives with extremely wealthy individuals who promote policies that preserve their wealth, while promising to promote conservative values in exchange for the support of the conservative values-voter, each group using the other to advance their agendas.  Perhaps many of them are even in both camps. To the extent this is an accurate description of what has been happening, the alliance is also doomed to fall apart, for reasons too complex to adequately discuss here.

The agenda of the religious right will largely go unmet at the federal level.  The short explanation is that our country is both a constitutional republic and a democracy, and therefore the built-in checks and balances will eventually ensure that although the majority rules in some sense, the minority will also be protected.  We are always in a state of flux, however, and opposing tensions are inevitable. For the most part, both majority and minority values will eventually find a place and will not eliminate each other. The foundational constitutional principle is to ensure maximum liberty for every citizen; but the realities of political life make the preservation of this principle an ongoing responsibility for each succeeding generation - it does not just happen automatically.  The real danger is when the system of checks and balances on powers breaks down, and one branch of government does not adequately check another branch.  This appears to have happened in the relationship between the most recent Republican administration and the Republican Congress, and may well explain Dobson’s complaints about Republican performance, though he does not seem to have the insight to recognize how to correct that problem since he wanted the country to vote for more of the same.

Another way of answering this question is that Christians such as James Dobson may have lost the vitality of faith - that faith that claims certainty for things that we cannot see, which trusts God to enable his people to thrive despite appearances otherwise.  With Supreme Court decisions on school prayer, abortion, and gay rights allowing freedom to ignore or defy God, Dobson has helped lead the way in what many may see as a last ditch effort to “save” America from self-destruction, as if changing law codes is the way to do so.  I envision these efforts as being shortcut attempts to create a positive moral environment for raising children, and a failure to recognize that the moral environment is much more affected by people’s attitudes than it is by legal requirements.

At the legal level, it seems like it would be much more strategic to preserve religious freedoms, since that is what is really needed in order to raise children; but unfortunately, Dobson’s actions are actually undermining this goal.  The traditional approach to freedom in America has always been that by granting freedom to others, we preserve our own freedoms; but Dobson and many others seem to have concluded that there is an urgency about imposing moral authority on the nation, going far beyond the role of prophetic witness and into the role of political activism to create legal demands without the benefit of moral consensus.  It seems like they think if they can get just enough votes to pass a controversial law they will have established the moral standards of our country.  These kinds of laws should reflect pre-existing public morality, and only the mechanics of the laws should need to be worked out in government offices.  Promoting morally based laws without broad moral consensus is counterproductive and socially disruptive.

When preparing his followers for “the day the Son of Man is revealed,” Jesus asked, “when the Son of Man comes, will he find faith on the earth?”  According to Dobson’s own words, as we have already noted, his motivation seems to be more about fear than about faith:  “Whether or not the Republicans deserve the power they were given, the alternatives are downright frightening.”

Soon after Jesus’ departure, the Apostle Paul modeled a life of faith that set the standard from that time forward.  He spent a major portion of his life establishing fledgling churches throughout Asia Minor, composed of only novice believers left on their own after his relatively brief visits.  He taught them while he was with them and organized them to be self-governing under an approach that relied on God’s spirit to guide them, as described in 1 Corinthians.  Then they were on their own except for possibly a follow-up visit and correspondence.  He trusted God to produce the harvest. Paul was just one of God’s field hands.  If you take time to think about it, you can only stand in awe at the audacity of Paul’s faith - to think that he could really make a difference by visiting unknown foreigners for relatively brief periods, teach them about Jesus and the gospel, and then leave them to serve each other together in a hostile environment!

One certainly has to wonder where James Dobson’s deepest faith rests nowadays.  We cannot really discern that; but we can advise other believers not to follow his example, since his political message - i.e. be afraid if the Republicans are not in control - has undermined any spiritual message he may have.  He may try to separate his roles with legalistic verbiage, but the meaning is still intact.  Unlike the Apostle Paul, who would not even take sides with those who claimed to identify with Christ, James Dobson’s message rang clear with his faith in the Republican Party.  He rebuked the party for “abandoning values voters” and said this is the reason they lost control of Congress.  He supported the Republicans anyway, but even he could not persuade the values voters to vote for them given their poor performance, according to his interpretation of the election results.

When you actually read Dr. Dobson’s evaluation of the election, it appears that in his mind there is a very clear contract involved with the Republican Party - the Party is supposed to deliver legalized morality in exchange for the values voters’ support which allows them to proceed with the rest of their agenda, which does not seem to concern him.  Values voters are concerned with issues such as sexual abstinence education, the sanctity of life (as it relates to abortion, not so much to preemptive war or capital punishment), gambling, homosexuality, and pornography.  Dobson threatens, “Values Voters are not going to carry the water for the Republican Party if it ignores their deeply held convictions and beliefs.”  It seems that this is how Dr. Dobson is defining his political leadership - and his “deal” with the Republican Party.   

In depicting his role in this way, Dr. Dobson very much makes himself look like some of the many kings in the Old Testament who sought alliances with surrounding nations in order to ensure the security of God’s people.  Much of the time, those alliances were not approved because they were not expressions of trust in God.  Dr. Dobson has expanded his mission beyond the biblical directives and promises of God in a desperate attempt to save America based on his analysis of what is happening in our society.  His hope is that society can be changed by getting the state to wield “the sword” of the state’s authority to enforce traditional moral norms, since the state is supposed to punish those who do wrong in its role as the servant of God.  

But in a democracy, it makes a difference how the state obtains the authority to take on this sanctioning role, since the divine authority comes through the people collectively.  Wisdom under our type of constitution demands that only where there is extremely broad societal agreement should morality be enforced by legal means.  Obtaining such agreement where it does not already exist can only legitimately be achieved by building broad moral consensus through educational methods such as demonstrated by God’s relationship to humans and documented in the Bible.  To engage in political maneuverings using what the Apostle Paul called “the weapons of the world” to achieve a shortcut to formal legal sanctions is actually to contribute to disunity in the church rather than to promote a unified message.  For Dr. Dobson, promoting his political agenda through his established network seems to be much more of a concern of late than trying to achieve unity among a broader spectrum of Christians regarding the legitimacy of his positions.  With over 1,400 employees and over 200 million radio listeners, he may think he is already doing enough.  But this type of influence is mostly partisan - and politically effective - so it is no wonder some non-believers have labeled him the “evangelical pope,” or as another critic put it, “the religious right’s kingmaker.”  But what he really needs to do is convince non-Christians, as well, because they need to contribute to the consensus that goes into the make-up of a democratic society.  This is where he often seems to fall short, because so much of his approach seems adversarial.

 

The Dobson Social Analysis

James Dobson’s book, Marriage Under Fire, gives a succinct summary of his analysis of our social problems, especially in chapter 1.   This social analysis, and not biblical or Christian doctrine, is actually what drives Dr. Dobson’s political program.  One should not think of it primarily as a Christian program except for the fact that Christians are promoting it.  The rationale of this political program, however, is not based on the Lordship of Christ or on the teachings of scripture, but is based on what might be called a set of moral creeds that are proposed to be virtually adopted as constitutional principle in the USA.  The point of this point is that the “faith” required for Dobson’s political program is not faith in God, but faith in Dobson’s political analysis. The broad logic of his thinking as reflected in the opening chapter of this book proceeds along these lines -

  1. Dr. Dobson begins by emphasizing that in countries where same sex marriages or partnerships are widely accepted, most young couples cohabit or choose to remain single, and the majority of children are conceived out of wedlock.  This trend is attributed to the acceptance of same-sex marriage.  The backdrop is that marriage is the foundational social institution planned by God for human well-being; the occurrence of these negative consequences is to be expected given that same-sex marriage was not in God’s original plan.  Believers are tempted to either accept uncritically or to forgive the illogical conclusion that accepting same-sex marriage is the cause of the trend towards single lifestyles, since they agree that same-sex marriage is not ultimately God’s good will for human well being, so the actual cause-effect relationships involved are seen as almost unimportant at this early stage of the argument.  But this is a dangerous reading, because there are some things that God does not desire but that God permits due to the insistence of human will.  When we neglect this principle, we do not mirror God’s viewpoint.  In addition, acceptance of homosexual unions cannot be seen as the cause of the social changes Dobson observes in the countries that have legalized them since the same trends are already occurring in the US today.  If we recognize these realities, then the foundation of Dr Dobson’s argument has crumbled and we are in a better position to proceed more judiciously and in a less demanding manner. 
  2. Dr. Dobson then reports that homosexuals are making progress towards acceptance of same-sex marriage in America and that if successful, “barring a miracle, the family as it has been known from time immemorial will crumble” (p. 21).  One of the undesirable consequences that threads its way throughout the succeeding scenarios is that embracing homosexuality as an acceptable lifestyle choice would become an aspect of the U.S. moral code and enforced by its laws.  Laws and social programs such as adoption, public education, foster care, health care, social security and religious freedom would also be affected.

James Dobson has every right to his viewpoint; and since no human knows the future perfectly, others can either agree or state their opposing views when it comes to future scenarios.  My primary point here is not to agree or disagree with his prognosis, but rather to assess how an American Christian should respond given such a prognosis.

Although I appreciate the example of energetic and committed participation in American civic life that Dr Dobson provides, what especially bothers me about Dr. Dobson’s political approach is that it stands in contrast to the biblical picture of Jesus as Lord of the church.  The final New Testament Book of Revelation uses imagery to vividly summarize many of the major biblical doctrines, including how Christ leads the church:

Then I saw heaven opened, and there was a white horse! Its rider is called Faithful and True, and in righteousness he judges and makes war. His eyes are like a flame of fire, and on his head are many diadems; and he has a name inscribed that no one knows but himself. He is clothed in a robe dipped in blood, and his name is called The Word of God. And the armies of heaven, wearing fine linen, white and pure, were following him on white horses. From his mouth comes a sharp sword with which to strike down the nations, and he will rule them with a rod of iron; he will tread the wine press of the fury of the wrath of God the Almighty. On his robe and on his thigh he has a name inscribed, ‘King of kings and Lord of lords’.  (Revelation 19:11-16, NRSV)

The only “weapon” used by Jesus or his armies is the Word of God, which is pictured as a sword coming out from his mouth.  In the beginning, creation was shaped by the Word of God; and throughout the Old Testament God guides by the Word.  Jesus was the embodiment of God’s Word; and he sends his followers into the world with the same kind of word-based ministry he had.  When Paul says, “The weapons we fight with are not the weapons of the world,” he means he is not using political and military methods to achieve spiritual results; rather, as he specifically states, he attempts to “demolish arguments and every pretension that sets itself up against the knowledge of God, and we take captive every thought to make it obedient to Christ.”  The Christian mission is a ministry of the Word of God, proceeding from a loving heart to be sure; but it is not a ministry that seeks to bring about moral change by political and legal means against the wills of those who would be affected.

In taking an activist political stance against the homosexual movement, Dr. Dobson has virtually ensured the very kinds of backlash he fears.  He is creating a self-fulfilling prophecy.  If he truly believes that the gay rights movement is so strong, then he ought to reflect the approach of the God of the Bible, accommodate to human opposition and frailties, and seek the best outcomes for religious liberty that can be obtained.  Two of the most noteworthy examples of God accommodating to human choices in the Bible are the practice of divorce and the demand for a monarchy. But it seems like there is no room for such accommodation in Dr. Dobson’s thought.  It would have been better to let the gay movement proceed on the fringes slowly and incrementally one small step at a time, while preserving religious freedom for all viewpoints, rather that engaging if a frontal assault on the movement, moving it to center stage, and thereby reducing the possibility of peaceful outcomes.  But what’s done is done; and if Dr. Dobson’s analysis of the strength of the gay movement is accurate, then he ought to pay closer attention to Jesus’ instruction in the Sermon on the Mount:  “Settle matters quickly with your adversary who is taking you to court. Do it while you are still with him on the way, or he may hand you over to the judge….” (Matthew 5:25).

For the time being, our country does still have at least some of the Republican influence Dr. Dobson sees as so essential.  It almost seems like President Bush and Dr. Dobson are running on parallel tracks, each pursuing a legacy they believe is God-ordained - the one to establish a beachhead for freedom in the Middle East; the other to save America from same-sex marriage.  Unfortunately for Dr. Dobson, the sphere President Bush operates in values power over principle, and Dr. Dobson invested his political capital to allow for irresponsible economic management and military ventures, thinking there would be a payoff in the triumph of his version of moral principle. How these two game plans will play out still remains to be seen, though according to an analysis of voting results in the last election, the future of the Republican Party does not look good unless it makes some major adjustments.  Not only may the party be losing its conservative religious base; it is apparently failing to win the younger generation. 

And how to reach people alienated by the religious right might be the next big challenge for the Christian church.

Posted by Jim Johnson at 01:11:58 | Permalink | No Comments »

Saturday, October 14, 2006

Come now, let us reason together

 

‘Call to Renewal’ Keynote Address

Barack Obama - U.S. Senator for Illinois

Wednesday, June 28, 2006

Washington, DC

 

In this address to a Call to Renewal Conference, Illinois Senator Barack Obama presented what amounts to a personal testimony of his faith development and his developing thinking on the relationship between religion and politics.  The heart of the speech expresses his conversion experience with these words: “I felt that I heard God’s spirit beckoning me. I submitted myself to His will, and dedicated myself to discovering His truth.”  This personal revelation should be seen as underlying everything else he says, and should also be seen as his invitation to be called into account with gentle questioning should he appear to waver from that course. Barack Obama wants to serve God and understand the truth.  Rarely does one see such a clear declaration of one’s spiritual motivations in American politics today. 

Obama explains that the motivation to develop the thoughts expressed in this speech came because he was not satisfied with his response to Alan Keyes‘ criticism of his stance on abortion and homosexuality in 2004.  As a member of the Democratic Party, Obama supports their platform on abortion and gay rights.  Keyes said, “Jesus Christ would not vote for Barack Obama. Christ would not vote for Barack Obama because Barack Obama has behaved in a way that it is inconceivable for Christ to have behaved.”   At that time, Obama responded “that we live in a pluralistic society, that I can’t impose my own religious views on another, that I was running to be the U.S. Senator of Illinois and not the Minister of Illinois.”

Obama’s political advisors told him to ignore Keyes, who had no chance of winning; but he felt compelled to think through the question further. He explains, “I was also aware that my answer did not adequately address the role my faith has in guiding my own values and my own beliefs.”

This speech represents where his thinking has led him to date.  It represents the beginning of an attempt to articulate a philosophy of “the connection between religion and politics” in America.  He discusses three main principles to capture his thoughts.  I want to review and summarize what I think he is trying to get at; reword the three principles in a way that I find more satisfactory for a written format; and discuss the implications of some of these principles in more detail.  Overall, I think Senator Obama has developed a helpful outline, and I have attempted to translate his message from the descriptive language of a speech into a prescriptive style more suitable for discussion.

We might call these Barack Obama’s rules for religion and politics.

Religion & Politics

Obama’s Rule # 1:  FREE EXPRESSION  

SummaryWhen people participate in public discussion and debate, they should be free to fully express their beliefs.  Believers should be free to express their religious concerns.  Likewise, those who do not identify themselves as religious should be free to express their beliefs as they see them. 

Obama develops this principle in the roundabout way that works well in a speech and finally expresses it negatively as, “But what I am suggesting is this - secularists are wrong when they ask believers to leave their religion at the door before entering into the public square.”  I have tried in the above “50 words or less” statement to summarize what he took a number of paragraphs to say in a discursive fashion.  Obama spends much more time on this principle than on the other two.

Obama points out that our law is by definition a codification of morality that reflects our culture and will ultimately reflect the religious beliefs of those who comprise it.  And as he explains, “the majority of great reformers in American history were not only motivated by faith, but repeatedly used religious language to argue for their cause. So to say that men and women should not inject their “personal morality” into public policy debates is a practical absurdity.” 

In developing this first principle, Obama is largely presenting an argument against those who do not think there is a place for God in the public square.  I have removed this principle from the debate context and reworded it as a global statement that reflects the thrust of his argument.

 

Religion & Politics

Obama’s Rule # 2:  COMPROMISE  

Summary:  Although both religious and non-religious viewpoints should be heard and discussed, the goal of public discussion is to establish common agreement on value judgments in order to obtain the broadest possible base for legal action in a pluralistic, democratic society. 

Obama presented this point in two stages -

“This brings me to my second point. Democracy demands that the religiously motivated translate their concerns into universal, rather than religion-specific, values. It requires that their proposals be subject to argument, and amenable to reason. I may be opposed to abortion for religious reasons, but if I seek to pass a law banning the practice, I cannot simply point to the teachings of my church or evoke God’s will. I have to explain why abortion violates some principle that is accessible to people of all faiths, including those with no faith at all.”

“…Politics depends on our ability to persuade each other of common aims based on a common reality. It involves the compromise, the art of what’s possible. At some fundamental level, religion does not allow for compromise. It’s the art of the impossible. If God has spoken, then followers are expected to live up to God’s edicts, regardless of the consequences.”

In these two paragraphs Obama distinguishes two categories of thought: commonly shared values, and specific values or commands only acknowledged by particular groups.  I think the way he explains what he means in the second quote above suggests that he is not necessarily referring to true “universals” when he uses that term in the first paragraph, but simply to principles broad enough to encompass the concerns of everyone in the discussion.  He says our objective is to come together around “a common reality,” and that does not necessarily have to be the “universal” reality suggested in the first paragraph. 

Obama seems to have a personal hope that there are universal principles “accessible to people of all faiths” and “no faith,” since he thinks religious people can translate their values into these universal statements, but this process is not essential to what he describes as the function of politics.  He might be alluding to a belief in natural law; but for political functioning, the task requires nothing more than finding a shared “common reality” among the participants - something they can agree to live with - and this has nothing to do with seeking universal truth.  Based on the historical record alone, we have every reason to be skeptical of any human effort to enunciate universal laws that have not been revealed by God.  For example, although everyone might agree that “murder” is wrong, determining if and when abortion is “murder” involves one in an intricate set of arguments that are not readily resolved - if it was obvious, then there would be no significant social conflict over it.  Although these kinds of discussions are unavoidable, seeking “truth” cannot be the ultimate goal in politics because no unity is possible in a pluralistic society - the inability to reach unity on fundamental issues is what makes us a pluralistic society.  The need to govern does not always afford us the luxury of delaying decisions until we have reached consensus regarding the truth.

In my proposed summary, I have tried to avoid the philosophical implication of referring to “universals” as if one is looking for absolute principles that apply to every culture everywhere and always (which, in context, I do not think Obama means, since he has relegated the “absolute” to the area of religion), and emphasized instead what I am rewording as “areas of common agreement” (i.e. what he called common aims and common reality). Some of the common beliefs which are embodied in the beliefs of the people who are meeting together may well turn out to reflect what the participants believe to be “absolutes,” but that would be a coincidence rather than a necessary result.  The goal of the political process is limited to finding enough agreement to work together to address felt needs.

Those with the most strongly held views end up making the greatest sacrifices in the political process. They might even be called to reduce their demands to what may seem to them to be the most basic of principles in order to obtain a compromise acceptable by enough people to serve the common good.  It is conceivable that sometimes the best principle that might be attained is to allow everyone the freedom to choose their own controversial option - but even that is easier to agree to than to accomplish:  there are ways to undermine freedom indirectly.

Gilbert Meilaender, who serves on the President’s Council on Bioethics, seems to agree with Obama’s approach.  He argues “Against Consensus” and “for” pragmatic agreements based either on “compromise or majority vote.”  By “consensus” he means the search for a universal principle or a least common denominator to describe social values.  He quotes Augustine’s City of God to illustrate the principle of compromise we have been discussing above:

So also the earthly city, whose life is not based on faith, aims at an earthly peace, and it limits the harmonious agreement of citizens concerning the giving and obeying of orders to the establishment of a kind of compromise between human wills about the things relevant to mortal life. 

Meilaender considers this “Augustine at his best” and goes on to say, “We have here a non-redemptive politics, not based on faith.  But it does seek agreement ‘about the things relevant to this mortal life’.”  This seems to be what Obama is getting at in his second principle.

This second principle is the least discussed of the three principles, yet it perhaps becomes the most important after one grants the need for the first principle.  One should not presume, however, that the first principle may be taken for granted. Furthermore, to really hear what Obama is saying, one must envision all three principles in operation simultaneously.

Why talk about “absolutes” should be “witness”

and not “demand”

We should note that in Obama’s view, “religion does not allow for compromise. It’s the art of the impossible.”  He believes that religion makes demands that will not always be embraced by a democratic majority, and he does not believe that anyone should have to compromise living out their beliefs, although they do still have to obey the law.  But since the democratic process requires broad public support - it recognizes that government operates by the consent of the people - the religious beliefs of some cannot simply be imposed on everyone else. 

The dilemma for those representing “absolute” values is a very old problem.  The Book of Proverbs put it this way - “Do not answer a fool according to his folly, or you will be like him yourself.  Answer a fool according to his folly, or he will be wise in his own eyes.”  It is very difficult for people to communicate when they are speaking from different value orientations, particularly when one position derives from faith in the God who has revealed himself and his will through a book as ancient as the Bible.  Does one party have to become like the other in order to really communicate, or is there a neutral position they can agree to?  As we have already noted, many conflicts do not require philosophical agreement, but merely practical arrangements.  And practical arrangements can be obtained by simple respect:  As the Apostle Paul taught, “Give everyone what you owe him: If you owe taxes, pay taxes; if revenue, then revenue; if respect, then respect; if honor, then honor. Let no debt remain outstanding, except the continuing debt to love one another, for he who loves his fellowman has fulfilled the law.” In their relationships with other people, Paul taught that Christians were to “Be careful to do what is right in the eyes of everybody. If it is possible, as far as it depends on you, live at peace with everyone.” From a Christian perspective, negotiating peaceful relationships with unbelievers in the public square is viewed as an obligation and a goal to pursue.  If conflicts arise, they should not be due to the actions of believers, who should be pursuing peace.

The inner conflict for Christians in representing counter-cultural views is how to do so in a socially acceptable way, yet in a way in which they feel their voice is being heard.  The temptation is to assume the authority of God rather than to speak humbly as fellow citizens and as believers in the New Testament, which says, “Don’t have anything to do with foolish and stupid arguments, because you know they produce quarrels.  And the Lord’s servant must not quarrel; instead, he must be kind to everyone, able to teach, not resentful. Those who oppose him he must gently instruct, in the hope that God will grant them repentance leading them to a knowledge of the truth, and that they will come to their senses and escape from the trap of the devil, who has taken them captive to do his will.”   This kind of engagement can only be done at the interpersonal level, not at the level of civil politics. To attempt to force controversial moral laws onto a society is to engage in quarreling on a colossal scale.  At the political level, the most we should do is represent our viewpoints.  We may give our religious reasons for our viewpoints - that is, we bear witness to our faith; but we should not show disrespect for others by requiring that they accept those reasons.  We do show disrespect, however if we insist that some proposal should be accepted because “God says so,” because we are saying to everyone else that there is no other possible interpretation of God’s will on that matter.  We are telling them they must accept our interpretation of reality instead of allowing each person to become “fully convinced in their own mind” in their own relationship before God.  We should follow the example of Jesus and the Apostles and challenge people to judge for themselves what is right.

We can discern this need for verbal modesty from the examples recorded in the Bible. The Old Testament permitted even false prophets to have their say, but they were not to claim that they are speaking God’s word - they are just giving their own opinion.  Only those who have received a direct, personal revelation from God may claim to speak for God, and they will be known by the reliability of their message, an empirical test that invites critical response rather than unthinking submission. The New Testament teaches that when believers get together, those gathered may have their say; but that everyone else is to evaluate what they say, so it is understood that critical judgment is to be exercised.  These precedents imply that we should not claim to speak as God’s exclusive mouthpiece, but should rather express our beliefs and then let others decide to what extent they think what we have to say is from God.  It is up to them to decide whether they will obey God - it is not for us to try to force them to do so.

The advantage we have in a democracy is that we do not have to wait until we are asked about our beliefs, and we may share our beliefs on a wide range of subjects freely, in contrast to New Testament times when Christians were an isolated minority in an authoritative regime, which helps us better understand Peter’s instructions: “But in your hearts set apart Christ as Lord. Always be prepared to give an answer to everyone who asks you to give the reason for the hope that you have. But do this with gentleness and respect, keeping a clear conscience, so that those who speak maliciously against your good behavior in Christ may be ashamed of their slander.”  It should be obvious that even though we may now be much more proactive in sharing our viewpoints, we still have an obligation to do so with gentleness and respect if we are going to properly represent Christ.  It is difficult to see how some common political action techniques convey these sentiments.

  

What kind of laws should we seek?

Obama points out that, “Whatever we once were, we are no longer just a Christian nation; we are also a Jewish nation, a Muslim nation, a Buddhist nation, a Hindu nation, and a nation of nonbelievers.”  A more blunt way of putting it would be, “Whatever we once were, we are not now a Christian nation.”  Some Christians disagree because they may confuse a general acceptance of God and religious themes as true Christianity; but Christianity features the central role of Jesus Christ as Lord over all of life, and by that standard we cannot claim that America is or ever was a Christian nation.  Religious? Yes. Christian? No.

Some Christians have come to think that taking an uncompromising political stand to enforce Christian morality onto everyone is the only way to faithfully represent God. They think that Christians must do all they can to pass laws they believe reflect God’s revealed will.  Rather than taking their stand publicly and saying what they believe is right and presenting it for public debate, they instead give the impression that what they are proposing as God’s will should become the law of the land whether people want it or not, and that there is really nothing to debate about it. But even the Bible recognizes that Christians will not agree on all practical matters; and based on the experience of the early church, it is often the more mature Christians who are more permissive.  Much of the conflict within the early church had to do with creating an accepting environment where people could be at peace with their conscience without imposing their scruples on other Christians.  And even today there is a wide range of belief among Christians regarding Christian social teachings.  The biblical approach is that each person should first become “fully convinced in his own mind” as one who must “give an account of himself to God.” 

However, once we are personally convinced that something is right, there seems to be a natural impulse to universalize it, to want everyone to benefit from our insight.  We all know that we might be wrong, however, so we usually do not impose our viewpoints on others in an overbearing manner.  However, when religious insight and the spiritual authority of the justice of our cause convince us, it is easy to lose sight of the fact that our role in a democracy is still just that of citizen.  We can then lose our moral influence when we become too overbearing, either individually or collectively.  Instead of taking overbearing approaches, we need to view ourselves as just one of the “multitude of counselors” that go into the collective decision making of the constitutional democratic process of our society.  The influence of this role increases for those of us who become elected officials; but regardless of our level of involvement, we all constitute a collective conciliar body working together, not to advise a king as in Old Testament days, but to construct social and legal policy.  That is the opportunity that democracy affords us.

I think what Jesus says about God’s approach to divorce under the Mosaic legal system is crucial to understanding how God views the proper use of law.  Jesus said, “Moses permitted you to divorce your wives because your hearts were hard. But it was not this way from the beginning. I tell you that anyone who divorces his wife, except for marital unfaithfulness, and marries another woman commits adultery.”

So Jesus made a distinction between personal morality and formal legal morality.  He specifically said that he did not come to change the law itself.  The Mosaic Law authorized by God allowed for a practice that God hated.  Jesus said his followers might obey the letter of that law and still sin. He called his followers to a higher standard.  When we insist that our laws should reflect moral perfection, we are attempting to do what even God did not do when he instituted a civil government on earth. 

CASE STUDY

Sodomy: how law can become overkill

Both the Bible and the U.S. Constitution may be seen as starting out with a similar proposition, that humans are granted the maximum liberty possible to fulfill the responsibility of self-government.  Adam and Eve were assigned to govern the earth, and restrictions on their behavior were minimal. 

The U.S. Constitution begins, “We the People of the United States, in Order to form a more perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America.”  Principles of procedure were set up which were designed to allow for the maximum amount of liberty within a union of states.  Only the right “To make all Laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into Execution the foregoing Powers, and all other Powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United States” were granted to the government.  It was expected that federal laws would be limited to the purposes specified in the Constitution and that the controlling purpose of the “Powers” granted by the Constitution was to preserve liberty, justice, peace, etc.

After some time in the ancient world, the formalized Mosaic Law clarified that homosexual relationships were not in keeping with God’s plan for creation or for the nation of Israel, which God had called to be a witness to the other nations to demonstrate how God’s plan should work out in daily practice:

If a man lies with a man as one lies with a woman, both of them have done what is detestable. They must be put to death; their blood will be on their own heads.   (Leviticus 20:13;18:22)

We may be shocked at the severity of the punishment and the fact that this law only focuses on male behavior; but we would do well to begin with the assumption that this made sense to them in their culture.  Those who think the focus on the male had only to do with the life-transmitting semen (as if female homosexuality was permitted because of the lack of semen) forget that sex during menstrual bleeding was treated equally severely and was also punishable by death (due to the sacredness of blood, a parallel bodily emission in the female) yet there is no law outlawing sex between a menstruating and non-menstruating female, which suggests that lesbianism was unknown among the Hebrews at that time.

It is most likely that homosexuality of all types was basically unknown among the Israelites except possibly as associated with temple prostitution by males, and therefore forbidden along with other practices that were associated with the other nations that did not follow God’s ways.  This law had the effect of ensuring that homosexuality would not become an accepted practice among the Israelites, which was the apparent intention of God’s will, and this effect is easily recognized in the rest of the Bible.

Following inherited European traditions which developed based on Christian theology, however, U.S. law has often taken a non-biblical approach, and taken it in a way that attempts excessive control and fosters prejudicial attitudes, as can be seen in the state laws against sodomy, which have been summarized as follows…

The proscription of sodomy in the English tradition began in 1533 when King Henry VIII adopted contemporary church doctrine into a system of laws at the time of the English withdrawal from the Catholic Church. Sodomy became both a sin and a crime, since ecclesiastical law recognizes no distinction between the concepts of “sin” and “crime.” Sodomy included any form of non-procreative acts including masturbation, oral and anal sex.

The original thirteen American colonies derived their laws from the English common law and continued the legal tradition in which sodomy carried the penalty of death.

The 1683 Pennsylvania law called sodomy an “unnatural sin” and the East New Jersey law listed it among the “Offenses against God.”

Every state adopted some form of a sodomy law as it joined the United States, either in acceptance of an unwritten common law or in formal codification. A slow modernization of laws away from a religious doctrine into a secular system reduced penalties over time in a piece meal fashion. All states had laws against sodomy by 1960. 

The first statutory exemption for married couples occurred in New York when it adopted a new criminal code just six weeks after Griswold was decided.  Rather than start a marital exemption stampede, only four states since have followed its lead.

The U.S. Supreme Court… in 2003 with Lawrence et al. v. Texas… struck down the 16 remaining sodomy laws in the nation.  

In contrast to the U.S. sodomy laws, which detail specific sexual activities that even men and women may not engage in with each other, the biblical law almost looks more like a general moral principle.  We want our laws to specify precisely defined actions and behaviors. 

One might be tempted to focus on the harshness of the biblical sanction against male homosexual practice and menstrual intercourse, but we do not have space to discuss that side issue here.  The issue here is the degree of control that these legal systems are attempting to exercise.   The biblical law basically allows all forms of sexual expression except male homosexuality and menstrual intercourse. U.S. laws (as a result of Christian influence) at one time or another have tended to attempt to restrict all forms of non-procreative sexual activity, even by married couples.  It is only increasing secularization (perhaps, in part, a justifiable backlash against Christian legalism) that has loosened the grip of these excessive laws and resulted in a movement for increasing gay rights.

Rather than learning from legal history, Christians (mostly) countered by complaining bitterly about unjust judges and have attempted to push through a Federal Marriage Amendment, which everyone can see is primarily targeted against homosexuals, despite supporters’ claims that they simply want to “protect” the institution of marriage.  Their bias is quite clear, in part, because the very Christians who criticize Obama and the Democratic Party for standing up for the needs of homosexuals do not make alternative proposals to help them, but in effect denounce Obama as not being faithful to Christ.  They choose a warfare model for political engagement, rather than the “city on a hill” model of witnessing to God’s will and demonstrating God’s love in the world.  But the Apostle John teaches, “let us not love with words or tongue but with actions and in truth.”  We should not be encouraging society to make laws restricting gay rights unless we make ensure their needs are met in one way or another, if we cannot accept same-sex marriage.  So regarding Obama and these critics, we might reword the question Jesus asks as, in effect, “Which of these do you think is a neighbor to the homosexual?”

Some argue on the basis of Romans 13:3 that laws such as the sodomy laws are needed for their restraining influence on society.  But actually it is the enforcement of laws that produces the governmental role in restraint, not the laws themselves. The existence of some controversial laws just serves to promote skepticism and schism.  There is also the very necessary role of the private citizen to contribute to the community in a way that promotes its welfare. Laws need to be widely accepted by the populace in order to be effective.  Getting a morally based initiative passed by a slim majority is not an indicator for a positive moral outcome in society.

The biblical approach to political lawmaking, which we see illustrated in the Old Testament, provided broad guidelines and allowed maximum freedom for human choices, even morally wrong choices. An important moral function of the law seemed to be to clearly identify the most unacceptable behavior.  But supplementary moral guidance was needed to actually live a moral life; and the priests, prophets, and judges supplied this guidance.

Attempts to impose moral imperatives through the rule of law on unwilling citizens would have been foreign to the biblical concept of the Mosaic covenant, which was voluntarily accepted initially, and presumably reaccepted in the reenactment of the Passover and other ritual ceremonies in each annual cycle.  Jesus made a distinction between the Mosaic Law and the additions to it that were imposed on everyone by the leaders in his day.  Have you ever wondered what would have happened if 45% of the Israelites yelled “Nay” when God proposed the Ten Commandments at Mount Sinai?  Would the “Ayes” have carried the day anyway?  In order for a legal moral code to effectively support a society, it must be based on a social consensus.

Religion & Politics

Obama’s Rule # 3:  GOOD WILL  

SummaryRecognize the limits of the political process:  accept that significant change comes slowly; speak fair-mindedly about the issues; presume the best from each other

This is the least polished of the three principles, although Obama develops it in a discursive fashion as he does the first principle.  The way Obama begins to word it is as follows, “Finally, any reconciliation between faith and democratic pluralism requires some sense of proportion.”  By proportionality he indicates that some issues are more important than others, which suggests that some important issues might not get addressed because some even more important issues need to be addressed first.

He explains this need briefly with a few illustrations and concludes, “We all have some work to do here. But I am hopeful that we can bridge the gaps that exist and overcome the prejudices each of us bring to this debate.”  And he emphasizes the need to be “willing to listen and learn from those who are willing to speak in fair-minded words,” and to “extend the same presumption of good faith to others.”

What he is proposing here is the ultimate counter-cultural challenge.  He wants us to fight politely.  His is another call for civility. That’s what we all want from everyone else.  It’s easiest to promote it when you are already getting your own way, and hardest to practice when you’re not.  Sometimes I wonder if we might better understand Jesus if we would just consider everyone our enemy - love your enemy, do good to those who hate you, bless them that curse you, pray for those who persecute you, come to terms quickly with your adversary, give without hope of personal gain. If we treat our enemies that way, how much better would we treat our friends and fellow citizens?  That seems to be the kind of logic Jesus used in other areas.  Can you image public political debate carried on in this kind of social atmosphere?

Our political system at its root is based on distrust. That is why checks and balances on power are built into the Constitution. Aggravating this problem even further nowadays, our society is so large that we typically must have issues spelled out in bold, graphic, and contrasting terms in order to communicate to most levels of society, which is how politicians attempt to relate to the media. Every issue must be reduced to a sound bite.  We do not handle subtlety and complexity very well.  As for putting limits on our freedom, we want the “rule of law” rather than allowing the personal judgment of civil servants to exercise any authority over us. But on the other hand, we really distrust law because laws tend to have so many unintended consequences.

What this boils down to is we don’t trust our civil leaders, so we want only precise laws that govern specific external behaviors, so that leaders have little leeway for interpretation; but since we value our freedom, we want very few laws.  When we see the need for laws we become nervous because that creates the problem of making “perfect” laws, which is probably impossible and borders on the religious - laws that will work for the good of society without humans needing to use judgment in applying them.  I think this is part of the dilemma of American society, which by virtue of its very size and complexity requires hundreds of new laws every year, often just at the federal level.  Philip K. Howard gives an explanation of how this problem affects us in his book, THE DEATH OF COMMON SENSE.   

We not only have information overload.  We have legal overload, and we are gradually making life ever more complicated at the level of average daily living.  Getting people more involved in politics is mostly a losing proposition simply because it makes life even more complicated.  I suspect that, except for impending financial distress, most Americans only get really aroused about political platforms that strike strong moral responses, which for many people are rooted in their religious beliefs.  Tapping into this motivation allows religious leaders to influence political outcomes and political leaders to manipulate the loyalties of the religious segment of the population. This motivation is like fire, however.  It can be used for good or for evil.  And even when used with good intentions it can get out of control.

Rather than using the tools of political power to engineer controls over an unwilling public, we would be better advised in our roles that Jesus described as “salt and light” simply to seek to influence the lawmaking process of our society to accept the most reasonable moral positions that are deemed reasonable to most people.  We should come to the task with humility, not in the quest for power.  We are called to pursue justice in a way that is sensitive to everyone and attempts to maintain peace with everyone.   And because of this unconventional approach to social ethics, we may be misunderstood and criticized.  This way of life by his followers results in what Jesus called a city on a hill - a corporate social witness reflecting God’s character being expressed through his people in the world.

There may be times when a struggle will be involved to convince hearts and minds through prolonged dialogue and debate. The social role of religion in general is primarily to motivate people to moral behavior.  The goal of Christian witness is even more particularistic in seeking to lead individuals to loyalty to God through Christ.  By recognizing that their role is primarily invitational rather than making compulsory demands, Christian leaders will better equip society with morally sensitive citizens, regardless of their religious persuasion, who will make the compromises required to maintain a country where everyone is free to live out their beliefs as much as possible.  We are called to live at peace with everyone, to be winsome and not contentious, and to focus on using our own freedom to serve God and others.  If we believe we know the truth that brings true freedom to the human heart, then it is our duty to model it and to share it, not to impose it on others.

Posted by Jim Johnson at 19:50:01 | Permalink | No Comments »